Why Imports Should be Included in a Cap-and-Trade System

Judith Chevalier on Sunday took full advantage of the fact that her Economic

View column in the NYT coincided with the end of the Bali climate-change conference.

In it, she worries about "leakage" problems from a cap-and-trade system:

the idea that if the US caps its carbon emissions, it will essentially just

be exporting those emissions to countries such as China which impose no cap.

It’s a profound and important problem, and Chevalier

has a partial solution, which actually already exists as part of the Liberman-Warner

cap-and-trade bill, also known as the Climate Security Act.

A provision in the current version of the Climate Security Act links responsibility

to carbon consumption, not production. This idea derives from a joint proposal

by the American Electric Power Company and the International Brotherhood of

Electrical Workers. The provision requires that importers of goods from countries

without carbon caps obtain permits for the emissions resulting from the goods’

production. While this requirement could be used to protect American jobs

from foreign competition, if handled equitably, it could provide an elegant

solution to the leakage problem.

If the United States adopted a tradable permit system that treated emissions

from domestic producers identically to emissions associated with imported

goods, then products that are more emissions-intensive, whether domestic or

imported, would require more permits and thus be more expensive. Producers

in the United States and abroad would have an incentive to reduce greenhouse

gases to make their goods more competitive.

I think that "elegant" might be putting it a bit strongly: the problems

associated with measuring the carbon emissions associated with any given import

could be all but insurmountable. As Tim Harford notes, it’s pretty much impossible

to measure the carbon footprint of any given object: his

chosen item was a cappuccino, but it could just as easily have been a Chinese-manufactured

flat-screen TV.

But equally I think Dean Baker is guilty of mild utopianism when he complains

that Chevalier’s solution is second-best, and that what we should really be

aiming for is a global system of emissions caps covering every country in the

world. Well, yes, that would be nice, but it ain’t gonna happen – and

indeed Chevalier explicitly puts forward her solution "in the absence of

a binding global agreement".

In one of his Bali wrap-up pieces on Sunday, Andy

Revkin ended by quoting Stanford’s BinBin Jiang making a similar point.

Ms. Jiang also stressed that meaningful change in energy and climate policy

within the United States was critical, too. “China is clearly responsible

for the largest wedge of emissions in the future, but the United States is

still the biggest roadblock,” she said. “The U.S. is not going

to be influential by telling China what to do. It has to lead by example.”

This all recalls the nuclear-disarmament debates of the 1980s, except that

in this case unilateral action doesn’t leave a country open to an increased

chance of nuclear attack. The US can and should implement a domestic cap-and-trade

system, especially as it will never submit to a global authority setting its

caps for it. That’s the first step towards getting China to adopt a similar

approach.

(By the way, this plan is yet another reason why a

cap-and-trade system is superior to a carbon tax.)

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