Icelandic CDS Datapoints of the Day

The CDS auctions for Iceland’s failed banks are all over now, and the results are up at creditfixings.com.

Bank Inside Market Midpoint Open interest Final price
Landsbanki senior

3.375

€454 million to sell

1.25

Landsbanki subordinated

1.375

€63 million to sell

0.125

Kaupthing senior

5.625

€974 million to sell

6.625

Kaupthing subordinated

1.375

€11 million to sell

2.375

Glitnir senior

2

€187 million to sell

3

Glitnir subordinated

1.125

€55 million to sell

0.125

For an explanation of what this all means, see here. But these numbers are definitely weird. Here’s just a few questions thrown up by them:

  1. After the first round of the auction, the open interest is always to sell — there are more sellers than buyers. Yet after the second round, in three of the six cases the settlement price has gone up rather than down, as you would expect. Why would it do that?
  2. The clearing price for Kaupthing’s debt — which, we can assume, is the market’s best guess as to its risk-adjusted recovery value — is significantly higher than the other two, despite the fact that Kaupthing was the most leveraged of the three banks. How come? All I can think of is that the market was concentrating on Kaupthing’s UK assets, such as investment bank Singer and Friedlander, while in the case of Landsbanki the market was looking more at the UK liabilities, from the bank’s Icesave operation.
  3. Why was the inside market midpoint for all three banks’ subordinated debt so high — and how come there were people willing to pay 2.375 cents on the dollar for Kaupthing’s sub debt in particular, when the senior debt is trading in single digits? After all, the senior debt has to be paid out in full, at par, before subordinated bondholders get anything at all.

I suspect that the answer to all of these questions is something I like to think of as the Law of Small Numbers: in financial markets, assets always behave very weirdly when their price approaches zero. Clearly, the CDS market is no exception.

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Art: The Prints Market Crumbles

It’s hard to judge the state of the art market by looking at auction results of unique paintings, precisely because they’re unique and you can always make an argument about why this or that particular painting did or didn’t sell at a certain level. So Deborah Ripley’s report for Artnet about the prints market, which is much more fungible, is invaluable — and shows just how bad things are, and how much capitulation is yet to come:

Both houses offered "Campbell’s Soup II," the portfolio of 10 silkscreens from 1969. The set at Christie’s, estimated at $150,000-$250,000, opened at $95,000 and drew no bids. At Sotheby’s, where the estimate was $200,000-$300,000, the lot opened at $110,000 and also elicited no bidding… (The top price for "Campbell’s Soup II" is $312,000, paid at Phillips de Pury & Co. on May 18, 2007.)…

This paradigm shift of prices had still not penetrated the dealer rank-and-file that participated in the International Fine Print Dealers Association (IFPDA) Print Fair at the Park Avenue Armory, Oct. 30-Nov. 2, 2008. Although Sotheby’s failed to sell — for a second time — Picasso’s bellwether L’Egyptienne from 1953, which carried a presale estimate of $125,000-$150,000, the print was offered in two booths, both with price tags of $300,000.

The fact that Campbell’s Soup II had no bidders at $95,000 shocks me, I have to admit. Yes, the edition size (250, I believe) is reasonably large, but then again the art world is weird when it comes to supply-and-demand dynamics: the highest-priced artists, from Picasso to Warhol to Hirst, tend to also be the most prolific. This is one of the most iconic works of the 20th Century, by the iconic artist of the post-War era, and there just doesn’t seem to be any interest in it at all.

This bodes ill for next week’s Contemporary sales, I think — but we don’t have to wait long now. The best hope is that buyers of prints are not the same people as buyers of paintings, and that the painting-buyers have deeper pockets, are more committed to the market, and are less affected by the financial crisis. We’ll see.

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Why Would Treasury Cut AIG’s Interest Payments?

The WSJ’s latest AIG story has set off Joe Wiesenthal’s bullshit detector — and mine, too. It’s headlined "U.S. Weighs Options to Ease Strain on AIG", and it seems to be an attempt to jawbone Treasury into reducing the punitive rates at which it’s lending to the troubled insurer.

But the stated reasons for Treasury doing such a thing don’t make sense:

People close to the insurer complain that the terms of AIG’s loans are onerous compared with the 5% interest charged by the government to banks and other financial institutions under the $700 billion Troubled Asset Relief Program.

AIG officials hope these factors will help persuade the government to change its loan terms, since the government would have the most to lose as both AIG’s creditor and controlling shareholder.

The idea here is that if Treasury charges AIG a lower interest rate, then AIG will have more money left over for shareholders, and will be less likely to default on its obligations.

But as the sole reason why AIG hasn’t gone bust, Treasury has no reason to let AIG’s minority shareholders benefit from its largesse. And it doesn’t really matter how much Treasury charges on its loans to AIG, since the money’s just going around in circles anyway.

The fact is that the US government isn’t going to lose anything as AIG’s creditor, because the US government isn’t going to let AIG default on its obligations. So long as you have an unlimited source of liquidity, you never need to default, no matter how insolvent you might be. So the US has no worries on the creditor front.

And the government is a very special kind of shareholder, because it’s effectively getting a monster dividend in the form of high interest payments, which isn’t available to AIG’s other shareholders. Besides, the cost basis of the US goverment’s shareholding is effectively zero, which means it can’t lose money there, either.

So I’m having difficulty seeing any upside, as far as Treasury is concerned, in bringing down the interest rate it’s charging AIG for its billions. Of course, if AIG can raise that sort of money elsewhere at a lower rate, then it should be able to do so — but it can’t. Treasury holds all the cards, here, so I do wonder why it’s at all amenable to this idea.

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Liquidity Is Noncontagious

This is why Treasury’s original TARP plan, to buy up illiquid assets, was doomed from the start, and why it’s good news we’ve moved on from there:

J.P. Morgan Chase & Co. said Friday that its Level-3 assets increased $1.3 billion in the third quarter…

The New York financial-services firm said the increase was largely the result of $15.2 billion of transfers of assets into Level 3, principally AAA-rated collateralized loan obligations backed by corporate loans for which liquidity decreased and market activity was limited…

J.P. Morgan said the increases were largely offset by decreases in Level-3 assets due to $12.3 billion of sales and markdowns of residential mortgage exposure and $3.5 billion of sales and markdowns of leveraged loans and transfers of similar leveraged loans to Level 2 due to the increased price transparency of such assets.

This kind of stuff isn’t easy to read, but the point is that over the course of the third quarter, CLOs became so illiquid that there was no market for them at all any more, and they had to be classified as Level-3 assets. At the same time, however, the leveraged loans which make up those CLOs managed to see "increased price transparency", with the result that they got promoted to Level 2 from Level 3.

The idea behind the TARP was that liquidity and price transparency could trickle upwards from simple to more complex instruments. If you know the price of a bunch of bonds, then you can work out the price of the CDO that they’re packaged into. And if you know the price of a bunch of CDOs, then you can work out the price of CDO-squareds. And so on.

But as JP Morgan shows today, it doesn’t really work like that: it’s entirely possible for loans to become more liquid even as CLOs become less liquid.

There’s actually a good reason for that. In crunchy times like this, there’s a finite amount of liquidity to go round, and when it arrives in one neck of the financial woods, that’s often because it’s left another. For instance, CDS are popular because they’re more transparent and liquid than bonds. But the rise of CDS has seen liquidity move from the bond market to the CDS market, which means that bonds have become increasingly illiquid as the CDS market has grown. Far from making it easier to price bonds, the CDS market has actually, in some ways, made it harder.

And so Treasury’s plan for some kind of trickle-up TARP liquidity was always overoptimistic. You might be able to make one market liquid and transparent, but that doesn’t mean that related markets will be any easier to price.

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Bank Deposit Datapoint of the Day

Robert Peston, yesterday, after the Bank of England rate cut:

I’ve just had a call from an astonished individual who has several hundred million pounds that he puts on deposit in various banks.

As of 10 minutes ago, a leading British bank was offering to pay him almost 7% interest for his cash.

On the one hand, I can see why it would be irresponsible of Peston to name the bank in question. But on the other hand, the rich guy knows who it is, and Peston knows who it is, and there are surely thousands of other well-connected Brits who know exactly which bank is so desperate for liquidity. Why should they have the advantage of such foreknowledge, while smaller depositors languish in ignorance?

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What’s Happened to the Equity Risk Premium?

Jasper asks, in the comments:

Can you comment generally on how much less risky it is to invest in the stock market now than it was 3 months ago? In other words, now is obviously a better time to invest in stocks than it was 3 months ago, if you were going to invest in stocks anyway. But has the risk fundamentally changed, so that investors should dramatically shift allocations away from bonds and treasuries into stocks?

The short answer is no, don’t go doing anything dramatic. Indeed, Calstrs is making a determined effort not to start moving money around right now, and that makes perfect sense: moving money around is a form of trading the market, and trying to trade this market is a really good way of losing money.

What’s more, a common-or-garden portfolio rebalancing strategy will, in and of itself, mean that you’re probably going to move money from Treasuries (which have gone up) into stocks (which have gone down a lot, and therefore now account for a smaller part of your total portfolio). If you want to keep your asset allocation at where it was a year ago, you’re already buying quite a lot of stocks right now, so you don’t need to change your big-picture asset-allocation strategy in order to achieve that end.

But all that said, stocks do seem to be a better long-term bet today than they were three months or a year ago. I asked Brad DeLong, who’s something of an expert on the equity risk premium, whether it goes up when stocks go down, and he replied:

Yes–it does. We’re reviisng a paper for the Journal of Economic Perspectives now. it’s supposed to come out in the winter, and all the numbers are changing…

Start with the Gordon equation for the market as a whole: P = D/(r-g), and turn it around

r = D/P + g.

D/P has just gone up, and the long-run g of dividends hasn’t gone down by very much–so the expected rate of return r must have risen by a lot.

This doesn’t mean that stocks are cheap, of course, or that they won’t fall quite a long way from current levels. But if you’re investing for the long term, you can probably sleep better investing now than if you invested back when they were obviously much more overvalued.

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What a Recession Looks Like

The normally dry Labor Department is adding increasing amounts of color to its payroll reports. Today’s begins:

Nonfarm payroll employment fell by 240,000 in October, and the unemployment rate

rose from 6.1 to 6.5 percent, the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the U.S. Department

of Labor reported today. October’s drop in payroll employment followed declines of

127,000 in August and 284,000 in September, as revised. Employment has fallen by

1.2 million in the first 10 months of 2008; over half of the decrease has occurred

in the past 3 months.

There’s no good news here. October was gruesome, and so was September — much more so than originally reported a month ago. But to really see what a recession looks like, turn to Jake at Econompic Data, who puts it all in pictures, like this one:

Employ1.jpg

The unemployment rate among adult men is now 50% higher than it was a year ago — and, as Paul Krugman says, "it’s now a certainty that unemployment has a lot further to rise". But given how weird the markets have been of late, there’s one silver lining: the report is so relentlessly depressing and worse-than-expected that the stock market has to rise today, right?

Update: Jim Surowiecki finds another silver lining: thanks to the downward revision to September’s numbers, the second derivative of employment is now positive!

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Extra Credit, Thursday Edition

CDS, the DTCC and data mining: Putting the CDS market in perspective.

ABX and DTCC Data: When the tail wags the dog.

Obama’s Choice: On Geithner and Summers.

The Mais Lecture on ‘Maintaining stability in a global economy’ given by The Chancellor of the Exchequer at the Cass Business School: Long, detailed, intelligent.

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The Downside of CDS Demonization

Add Kevin Drum to those who think that a bit of CDS demonization is not such a bad thing at all. Unfortunately, he’s a bit shaky on the facts:

It’s a little hard to get a handle on an exact figure, but within the U.S. banking system total losses on subprime mortgages themselves probably total around half a trillion dollars. That’s a helluva lot of money, but it’s nowhere near enough to crash the system. That can only happen if the losses are magnified several times over via derivative losses.

This is wrong on a number of levels. For one thing, mortgage losses of half a trillion dollars are enough to crash the system. Remember that banks, by their nature, are leveraged institutions: they only need $8 of capital for every $100 of loans they extend, and the rest of the money can be borrowed. That’s the regulatory minimum: they can’t go below that. But when losses arise, they come straight out of that precious capital. And if you have half a trillion dollars of capital wiped out in the space of a few months, that can take you dangerously close to the regulatory minimum very quickly.

Now layer on top of all those losses the fact that we’re entering the deepest recession in living memory, and that defaults and loan losses on banks’ non-mortgage assets are sure to rise sharply from an uncommonly low level. That alone would be enough to rock many financial institutions back onto their heels; combined with the fact that they’re already very weak after being hit by mortgage-related charges, and you have more than enough to knock them out.

More to the point, however, derivatives didn’t magnify any losses at all. Name one bank — just one — which has taken any significant charges from its credit derivatives operations. It hasn’t happened. (Soc Gen lost a lot of money on stock index futures, which are derivatives, but they’re exchange-traded — which means they’re supposedly safe — and the money was lost due to a rogue trader breaking the law.)

It’s not surprising that CDS desks haven’t lost a lot of money, because CDS, like all derivatives, are a zero-sum game. That’s why Nathaniel Baker concentrated on monolines defaulting on their CDS obligations: that kind of counterparty event is the only way for absolute CDS losses to materialize. But as I pointed out yesterday, unsecured monoline CDS exposure is a tiny fraction of any bank’s balance sheet — in the case of Bear Stearns, it was just $330 million, and was frankly the least of the bank’s worries.

And what about those notorious super-senior CDO tranches? Aren’t they, fundamentally, credit default swaps, wrapped up and tranched out in seemingly clever ways? Yes. But remember what the banks did here. They took an enormous amount of mortgage debt onto their balance sheet, and then bought protection against that debt going sour: the banks used the cash flows from the homeowners to insure themselves against default.

Now there are two ways this deal can go wrong when the mortgage market implodes. The first is if the people you bought protection from are unable to pony up the cash. That’s counterparty risk, it’s something the banks were pretty much on top of all along, and so far it hasn’t been a big deal, thanks to margining requirements. But the second way that the deal can go wrong is if you’re not fully hedged: your counterparties will make up any initial losses that your portfolio suffers, but their maximum payout is capped at a level less than the total amount you paid for the mortgages in the first place.

That’s what happened with the notorious super-senior CDO tranches: they represented mortgage payments which were thought to be so safe that no one ever conceived they might default. So while the banks were hedged on their initial losses, they found themselves taking hits to their own balance sheets that none of their models had ever anticipated.

To put it another way, if it wasn’t for all of the credit protection that the banks had bought, the magnitude of their losses would be vastly greater, not less, than what they eventually suffered. Thanks to the wonders of default protection, the banks are much better off now than they woud have been without it.

Of course, it’s not quite as simple as that: if it weren’t for CDS technology and the ability to hedge their downside risk, the banks would never have taken all those mortgages onto their books in the first place. That’s what I meant when I said that CDS made it easier to lever up. But in no way does it make sense to say that derivatives magnified the banks’ mortgage exposures. The way that Kevin puts it, he makes it sound like there were half a trillion dollars of mortgage losses, and then trillions more in derivatives losses on top. And that just isn’t true.

Kevin continues:

Maybe bankers would have found some other way to lever up. But in the event… they used CDS. So why then is it unfair to say that CDS exposure was a huge driver of the financial meltdown?

It’s unfair because net CDS exposure, as we saw with Lehman, is generally de minimis. CDS exposure isn’t the problem. The problem is exposure to real-world credit, such as mortgages, or the debt of financial institutions like Lehman or Kaupthing. When Lehman defaulted, the real-world repercussions were so great that one of the biggest money-market funds in the world broke the buck. The CDS-market repercussions were almost invisible to the naked eye, for all that lots of pundits spilled much more ink on them than they did on the actual default. Bondholders holding some $100 billion of Lehman debt have been left with pennies on the dollar; the payout from writers of default protection on Lehman totaled about 5% of that figure.

In other words, the driver of the financial meltdown was good old-fashioned credit markets: not the CDS market at all. A few buy-side investors, to be sure, lost a lot of money selling default protection, among them the two Bear Stearns hedge funds which went bust in the summer of 2007 and really got this credit crisis going. But financial institutions, with the exception of the monolines and AIG, were not net sellers of default protection, and therefore did not lose money on CDS when spreads started gapping out and people started defaulting on mortgages. Insofar as banks have lost money, they’ve lost money on real-money loans to real-world individuals and companies. They have not lost money by speculating in the CDS market.

Kevin concludes:

Salmon’s larger crusade is to defend dervatives in general, and CDS in particular, as useful devices when they aren’t abused, but it’s not clear to me that this is especially controversial. The question is, how should they be regulated in the future to ensure that they aren’t abused? I agree that leverage itself should be the primary target of regulatory reform, but surely, under the circumstances, some reasonably strict trading rules on derivatives of all kinds will end up being part of that. Leverage is a hard thing to get at directly, after all, and we’re going to need to attack it from a variety of directions. A bit of CDS demonization might not be a bad place to start from.

The first question is to determine, in a sober and responsible manner, whether CDS were abused. So far, I’ve seen little if any indication that they were. The second question is how to regulate the amount of leverage that banks take on. And far from being "a hard thing to get at directly", that’s actually very easy to measure: you just look at how big the bank’s balance sheet is, and how much capital it has to support that balance sheet.

To be sure, hedge funds and other shadow financial institutions can use CDS to replicate a bank’s balance sheet without regulation, and that’s a problem. So maybe hedge funds should be regulated — although now that their cost of funds is much higher than that of the banks, that might no longer be necessary.

As far as the banks are concerned, most of the losses they’ve taken have come straight out of their balance-sheet assets, or maybe out of SIVs which once were off-balance-sheet but which now are much more transparent. Occasionally you’ll find some weird and wonderful instrument like the liquidity put, which seemingly comes out of nowhere to saddle a bank with enormous losses. But the liquidity put had nothing to do with CDS, and regulating derivatives would have done nothing to prevent it from happening.

This is why the CDS demonization meme is dangerous: it’s basically the financial equivalent of all the security theater at airports. Regulating CDS might trick the public into feeling safer, but it won’t do any real good at all. And if there’s one thing we’ve learned over the course of this crisis, it’s that the more we think we’re safe, the riskier things actually are.

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When Colleges Speculate, Part 2

David Turner reports on a deal structured by Clare College, Cambridge:

One of Cambridge’s oldest colleges has borrowed money for the first time in its 700-year history in a "sensational deal" devised to take advantage of the investment opportunities presented by the credit crunch…

Clare said: "On the basis of detailed research the Investment Committee believe that real returns from equity investment over the next 40 years should be substantially greater than the cost of the borrowing."

This belief is reinforced by Clare’s view that stock markets are now at or near their bottom.

But this is exactly the same deal I was writing about back in June, when absolutely nobody thought that stock markets were at or near their bottom. This is not an opportunistic investment driven by the fact that stocks have fallen; instead, it’s an investment which was pitched to Clare when the FTSE was over 6,000.

In a case where it pays to make such decisions slowly, Clare has now decided to jump in with the FTSE at about 4,000. Clearly, if the investment made sense at 6,000, it makes a lot more sense at 4,000. But on the other hand, the fall in the stock market is proof of why these deals aren’t generally a good idea.

In June I talked about the opportunity costs of borrowing money now, thereby cutting off a certain amount of borrowing capacity should some unexpected expenses arise in the future. But it turns out that there was an even bigger opportunity cost of investing back then, thereby cutting off the opportunity of investing at a much lower price now. Clare got lucky, and delayed the decision so far that it was made easier by falling stock prices. But I’m still not convinced that universities make for particularly good hedge funds.

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The Bleak Christie’s Sale

Christie’s had a big impressionist-and-modern sale last night, and the results, in Carol Vogel’s headline, were bleak. All the biggest-ticket pieces failed to sell, with a Rothko estimated at $20 million to $30 million being passed after not even getting a single bid at $10 million.

In Marion Maneker’s round-up, the word "bargain" appears three times — but I have to say I’m unclear on what exactly the word is supposed to mean, when it’s applied to a $4.4 million Toulouse-Lautrec portrait or a $2.2 million Miró. I think it’s a combination of two things: the price as compared to its low estimate, and the price as compared to the amount that the work would have fetched at the height of the market.

Those are interesting numbers, to be sure, but it’s worth remembering that art is a negative-carry asset with purely aesthetic intrinsic value. Is it possible for someone to get $4.4 million of aesthetic value out of putting a Toulouse-Lautrec on his wall? I don’t know how you could even begin to answer that question. But if a painting is to be a bargain in a financial sense, that can only mean that it’s worth less than it will be able to fetch in the future — not less than it was able to fetch in the past.

For me, the Christie’s sale is an important turning point, because it has turned the conventional wisdom on its head. For years now — and this meme went unchallenged even after it was clear that the art market was going south — we’ve been told that the very best works, at the very top of the market, were the ones most likely to keep their value, while second-rate works would suffer the most.

And yet last night it was the second-tier works which sold: a Seurat drawing of a house, for instance, fetched $1.1 million, even as the more high-profile lots got no bidders at all.

As we enter a major recession, the era for trophy-hunting is surely coming to an end. Spending eight-figure sums on paintings is no longer somthing to brag about, and I doubt that the likes of Ken Griffin have nearly as much appetite for such purchases as they did a year or two ago. Maybe, then, it’s the masterpiece premium which will erode most quickly, leaving the second-tier works to outperform for the first time in many years.

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Treasury Secretary Speculation Heats Up

There’s not much liquidity on the Treasury secretary contracts over at InTrade, but for what it’s worth Summers last traded at 22, Geithner at 20, Paulson at 15 (!), and Volcker at 10. The only long-shots to trade were Buffett and Romney, both at 5. (Luke Mullins makes up his own odds here.)

Rubin’s not even on the list, so his statement today that he doesn’t want to be Treasury secretary again seems a little moot. Conventional wisdom seems to be coalescing around Summers and Geithner, but it’s interesting that their combined prices are still below 50. Josh Marshall has good arguments against Summers, and I, for one, would be disappointed at the prospect of a Barry-and-Larry show. I think and hope that Obama is going to go for someone more collegial, who won’t just assume he’s always right in the way that Summers is wont to do.

Meanwhile, I’ve seen no indication that Geithner is ruling himself out or doesn’t want the job. That surprises me: I wouldn’t take it, were I in his position at the New York Fed. But Geithner is maybe more of a political animal than I had thought. If he really wants the job, I suspect that it’s his for the asking.

The most compelling long-shot name I’ve seen is Mike Bloomberg, whose successful attempt to railroad through an illegal third term as mayor of New York with the help of 29 City Council members didn’t go down very well in Gotham. If he acquits himself well as Treasury Secretary, he could be well placed to run for president in 2016 — and that, of course, is the job he really wants.

If I may make my own suggestion, I kinda like the idea of Barney Frank as Treasury secretary. He’s smart, he’s collegial, he understands the issues, and he’s never been captured by Wall Street. He’s certainly good enough to be on the InTrade list along with the likes of Steve Ballmer and Meg Whitman.

The most intriguing name on the InTrade list, though, is Bob Zoellick. He’s qualified for the job, but more to the point if he went to Treasury that would open up the World Bank job for Bill Clinton — should Clinton want it.

Update: On InTrade, Geithner’s now up at 40, with Summers at 54, and Volcker at 12. Yes, I know that doesn’t quite add up, but as I say, this is a very illiquid market.

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The Bank of England Capitulates

If there’s one advantage of being a little behind the curve when it comes to rate cuts, it’s that you can shock the markets with an absolutely monster out-of-the-blue 150bp cut even as most people were expecting just 50bp. Well done, Bank of England: if you’re going to end up cutting that much anyway, there’s no reason to be gradualist about it.

But here’s a sign of how weird things are these days: the market reaction was basically a big "meh". UK stocks remained down on the day, and the pound, astonishingly, actually rose. Maybe that was because everybody else is cutting rates too, if not quite as much: the ECB and the Swiss National Bank both cut by 50bp today as well.

Another sign of the new world we’re living in: UK treasury officials immediately went on television to tell banks that they were expected to pass the rate cut on to their borrowers. Remember that pretty much the first thing Gordon Brown did, when he became Chancellor in 1997, was to make the Bank of England independent. But just as in the US, that independence has perforce eroded during this crisis: in a crisis, all correlations go to 1, and that includes the correlation between fiscal and monetary policy.

UK interest rates, at 3%, are still higher than rates in Europe, the US, and Switzerland, so there’s room for further cuts should the Bank of England be so inclined. That’s a luxury the Fed, for one, no longer really has — which is why emphasis now is very much on fiscal, rather than monetary, policy. Bernanke will help out when and as he can, but the ball is very much in Obama’s court.

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Extra Credit, Wednesday Edition

Morally Conflicted About Walking Away? Don’t Be. California is a non-recourse state for a reason; take advantage of it.

Fed Economists Duel Over Crisis ‘Myths’

October Pain Was ‘Black Swan’ Gain: How Taleb’s new fund is performing.

Convertible Bonds Cause Hedge Funds Serious Pain: "The $200 billion convertible-bond market has lost 36% so far this year, a bit more than the stock market, according to Merrill Lynch. But the average convertible-bond hedge fund has lost about 50% in that time, including a 35% plunge in October."

Moody’s downgrades Ambac Financial to junk status, insurance unit still investment grade

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When Can You Trust Economics Papers?

I had a great lunch with Columbia’s Ray Fisman a couple of weeks ago, and I’ve been meaning since then to blog about one of the big problems with what you might call Freakonomics-style economics, where economists sift through statistical data and come up with some kind of interesting insight. That’s something Ray does quite a lot of himself, and he and Ted Miguel run through quite a lot of such studies in their new book, Economic Gangsters, which applies such thinking to questions of development.

But one of the problems with such research is the way that it’s presented to the public, through newspaper and magazine articles, or TED lectures, or the online dissemination of pre-pubication versions of papers. The stuff which gets the most attention has very rarely gone through the peer-review process, and as a result it’s often impossible for us, the final consumers, to get a good grip on what’s worth taking seriously and what’s just junk science. In August, Stephan Klasen called out Robert Barro of Business Week, as well as Steve Levitt himself, in Slate, for writing glowingly and uncritically about a paper of Emily Oster’s, which she has since renounced, before it had gone through any kind of peer review.

Now that Fisman himself has Levitt’s old perch at Slate, I asked him about this issue, and about the phenomenon whereby even as papers get a lot of play in the blogosphere, economists are generally still reluctant to make substantive criticisms on public blogs rather than in private seminars. (This doesn’t apply to policy debates, of course: they’re a different kettle of fish entirely.) The result is that economic papers get much more pre-publication attention than ever before, with most of it being very uncritical. By the time the paper’s gone through peer review, public attention has moved elsewhere.

It helps of course that Fisman is an economist himself, and therefore is reasonably well qualified to judge the papers he’s writing about. He wrote to me:

There are lots of things that are oh so very

interesting that I’d love to put up in Slate. But unfortunately when I

actually read the studies, I don’t believe they’re true. I’d also say

that for topics beyond my expertise, I will always consult with people

in that particular field – education economists for teacher quality,

someone at teachers’ college on computers in classrooms.

Journalists do this too — not that it necessarily helps, because many scientists now come with PR people attached, who will pitch a story to dozens of journalists. If the paper is crap and most of the journalists turn it down, harm is still done, because the few lazy journalists who do pick it up are even more likely to just regurgitate whatever the PR person gives them and not even ask for a copy of the paper in question. From a reader’s point of view, it’s often impossible to tell how assiduous the journalist has been in writing the story. And even the most careful journalist is likely to miss a lot of the kind of issues which Daniel Davies brings up in his discussion of Freakonomics.

So what to do when a book like Fisman’s comes out, where an economist talks about his own work? Is such a book even less reliable, since it’s unfiltered by even a journalist? No: the good thing about books is that they don’t have the same amount of urgency, and that therefore the research in Economic Gangsters has all been peer-reviewed.

But the fact is that when you read about economic research, unless you’re an economist yourself you’re extremely unlikely to get a solid grip on how seriously to take it. I briefly tried to act as a referee for such things, but that didn’t work out so well: in my very first outing, it was I who was wrong.

So the best one can do, really, is bear in mind a dictum from John Allen Paulos: "Always be smart; seldom be certain." If you think a paper is interesting, fine. If you think it’s compelling, then think again: there’s a good chance there’s something you’re missing. I need to learn this lesson as much as anybody: back in May I gushed about a paper linking a falling violent-crime rate to the introduction of unleaded gasoline. I still think the result is true, but I’m more alert, now, to the fact that I’m quite unqualified to make that determination.

Posted in economics | Comments Off on When Can You Trust Economics Papers?

The Prop 8 Hypocrites

This is the kind of thing which tipped support for Proposition 8 over the 50% mark:

The NYT boils the story down to one paragraph:

A total of $73 million was spent on the race there, a record for a ballot measure on a social issue, resulting in incessant television and radio commercials from both sides. Advocates of the ban played up their belief that without it, children could be taught about gay marriage in schools, while opponents likened approval to denying fundamental civil rights.

And in Slate, even the alternative thesis that Prop 8 went through thanks to Barack Obama’s large African-American support is ultimately discarded in favor of this:

The “Yes on 8” campaign was particularly well-funded and savvy, blanketing the airwaves with ads suggesting that gay marriage would be taught in schools.

I’ve talked to people who are very angry about this campaign, saying that Proposition 8 has nothing to do with education — which is, narrowly, true. They say that supporters of the ban talk about not having a problem with two men or two women getting married, so much as with the idea that such a thing might be taught to children.

But if you were really in favor of gay marriage, wouldn’t you want to have it taught in schools? What does it even mean to say that you support gay marriage, but you don’t want children to be taught that men can marry men, or that women can marry women? That’s a point of view which treats gay marriage as some kind of loophole: it’s maybe OK for gay people who’ve already made their mind up, but it’s not something we want to be proud of, and in fact it’s something from which we should protect our children.

And in any case, if a young girl really can grow up to marry a princess, how on earth would it be possible to ensure that she couldn’t learn that fact in school? If gay marriage is a reality, then yes of course it’s going to be taught in schools — and quite right too.

But I am confused as to why this education tactic seems, by all accounts, to have worked so well. I can see three possibilities:

  1. A lot of Californians really did support “loophole marriage”. If you’re already an out gay person in a long-term committed relationship, then what the hell, sure, go ahead and get married, it makes lots of people really happy and it’s not like you’re not going to be gay otherwise — plus, maybe then gay people will shut up about this marriage thing already. But the implications, like gay marriages becoming so societally accepted that they get taught in schools and generally become part of the culture, are a little bit scarier: it’s the point at which homosexuality moves out of “the privacy of their own home” and into family units. So you vote Yes on Prop 8 because while you’re OK with them being able to get gay-married, you’re not OK with us being able to get gay-married.
  2. It’s the old “gays are pedophiles” thing, dressed up just enough to be acceptable. At the end of the ad above, it says “Protect our Children.” From what? Obviously, from The Gays.
  3. It’s simply an excuse to vote with your prejudice rather than your head. As Ta-Nehisi Coates says, “If someone wants to give me a reason why gay people shouldn’t be able to marry that doesn’t, at its root, boil down to ‘yuck,’ I guess I’d love to hear it.” And the argument about children and education, while not being much of an argument at all, at least is something you can use to kid yourself that there’s a good reason to vote Yes and try and stop yucky gay marriage from taking root in California.

Clearly, the Christians who pumped millions of dollars into this campaign didn’t feel comfortable making an explicitly Christian argument for it, so they pimped out their children instead. I hope that by the time those children become old enough to vote, we will have gay marriage, not only in California but also in the rest of the country. It does seem historically inevitable. But it’s taking far too long, and retrograde steps like this are a particularly tough blow: it’s much harder to lose something you have than it is never to have it in the first place.

Indeed, for the first time in my three years of marriage, I felt ashamed of my married status today, like I was perpetuating some kind of apartheid institution. Obviously, I don’t kid myself that any gay person would appreciate my getting divorced in solidarity with their plight, and that’s not going to happen. But the aftertaste of Proposition 8 is nasty indeed, especially when it was so overwhelmingly supported by the blacks who gave Barack Obama the largest margin of victory any presidential candidate has ever had in California — bigger even than Reagan. And when its passage is accompanied by so much hypocrisy, it’s harder to take still.

Posted in Not economics | 3 Comments

Big Moves in Low-Priced Stocks

I’ve been doing quite a good job of screening out stocks-are-up-stocks-are-down noise of late, which is a good thing, but allow me a small relapse in response to Jim Surowiecki, who talks today about what happened to Citigroup stock this afternoon.

I want to make an obvious point that for some reason really hit home to me today, which is that people’s decisions to buy and sell stocks, and particularly when they decide to buy and sell, are downright peculiar. Let’s take Citigroup, which was down fourteen per cent on the day (oh, is that all?). It got as high as $14.68, but it traded for most of the day between $13.50 and $14 a share. And during that time, the vast majority of Citigroup shareholders could have sold their shares and gotten a price between $13.50 and $14. (I told you this was obvious.) Yet there were literally millions of shares which were not sold at that price that were instead sold, late in the day, for significantly less. People (or programs) that weren’t interested in selling Citigroup shares at $13.50, later decided that they did want to sell them at $12.75, even though, at the lower price, Citigroup’s valuation was more reasonable, its dividend yield was higher, and its upside reward was obviously greater. Usually, in markets, when prices fall, demand rises. But in the stock market, particularly on days like today, lower prices actually lower demand.

This is all exactly right. But I’m not sure that Jim’s example was a particularly good one, for two reasons.

Firstly, Citigroup, like all banks, is a confidence game. What’s more, its balance sheet is opaque enough that no one really knows for sure whether it’s solvent or not. (The good news is that it’s too big to fail, but that doesn’t protect shareholders, only bondholders.) And so the Citi share price is an important driver of the Citi share price, in that it is a good proxy for the degree of confidence that the market has in the bank.

Citi’s been insolvent before, during the LDC debt crisis; it had the luxury, then, of working out those problems over a period of years without having to mark its bad loans to market. But now, in the wake of multiple bank failures, everybody’s much more jittery, and would have much more confidence in Citigroup if only it started trading at something near its book value of $18.10 per share. (It’s bad enough that book value has fallen so far, from $25.45 a year earlier.)

When a bank trades substantially below book value, it’s a sign that the market doesn’t trust the bank’s marks, or anticipates very large future losses, and possibly some kind of forced liquidation. And as we’ve all seen, the mere anticipation of a forced liquidation, in this market, can be enough to bring one about. Citi is trading in distressed territory, and that means investors are quite rationally liable to exit at any sign of severe market jitters.

And secondly, Citi’s balance sheet hasn’t shrunk much over this crisis, partly because the bank had to take on board its SIVs. In other words, Citi is still more or less the same size, with about $2 trillion of assets, as it was a year ago, when its shares were $20 more expensive.

Today, Citi’s stock price ranged between $12.48 and $14.60 per share — a difference of $2.12, or 17% of the lowest price. That’s a much bigger percentage amount than it is a dollar amount. If Citi, a year ago, had a day when it ranged between $32.48 and $34.60 per share, the dollar amount would have been exactly the same, and the move in market capitalization would have been exactly the same, on a bank of pretty much the same size. But the percentage move in the share price would have been not 17% but 6.5%.

To put it a different way, it’s impossible to value any company the size of Citi to within 75 cents per share. When Citi was trading at over $30, a fall of 75 cents was not such a big deal; today, however, it looks much more important, just because the denominator has come down so far. But the truth is a that a move from $13.50 to $12.75 shouldn’t mean much more than a move from $33.50 to $32.75. A $1 move in the share price corresponds to a change of $5.5 billion in market capitalization, or just one quarter of one percent of Citigroup’s asset base. It’s small, even if in percentage terms it looks big. That’s why leverage is so dangerous.

Posted in banking, stocks | Comments Off on Big Moves in Low-Priced Stocks

CDS Didn’t Bring Down Bear and Lehman

I’m thinking I should institute some kind of CDS Demonization Watch: this meme is only going to grow and grow. And it’s spreading, too, into the wonkier areas of the financial press — people and publications on the ought-to-know-better list, such as Nathaniel Baker, of The Deal:

The bankruptcies of Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc. and Bear Stearns Cos. among others were not caused by personal bankruptcies but by haywire derivatives contracts. Specifically, the credit default swaps financial institutions were relying on to protect them from subprime exposure turned out to be worthless. Many financial institutions on Wall Street and elsewhere might have even profited from the subprime crisis, had there been a settlement mechanism in place for CDS, as there is for options and other derivatives.

For "personal bankruptcies", here, read "foreclosures", which are much the same thing, and you’ve got yourself an almost perfectly wrong-headed argument. Did a wave of foreclosures help to bring down highly-leveraged institutions with significant real-estate exposure, among them Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers? Yes. Did "haywire derivatives contracts" in general, and CDS in particular, play a much bigger role? No.

How do we know this? Well, just look at the magnitude of the exposures that Baker is talking about. Back in January, Bernstein Research analysts totted them up, and came to the conclusion that Lehman’s unsecured exposure to triple-A counterparties in general — not just the monolines — was $4 billion: large, but certainly not large enough to bring down a bank with a balance sheet of over $600 billion. Bear Stearns’s exposure was smaller still, just $330 million. What fraction of that exposure eventually turned up on the banks’ income statements as a mark-to-market loss? That I don’t know, but it’s not necessarily very large: remember that AIG’s troubles only really snowballed after Lehman and Bear had gone under — and AIG was by far the largest triple-A writer of CDS.

And it’s simply silly to assert that a CDS settlement mechanism could singlehandedly have seen Lehman and Bear make money, rather than lose it, from the subprime crisis. Does Baker think those banks fully hedged all their real-estate exposure in the CDS market? Even Lehman, whose exposure was primarily commercial, rather than residential? Of course they didn’t: they drank the kool-aid as much as any of the clients to whom they were trying to sell mortgage-backed securities.

It’s worth emphasizing that the CDS demonization meme, at least in this form, is a dangerous one — because it implies that it wasn’t really the banks’ own fault that they went bust, and that the implementation of a CDS exchange could in and of itself bring the amount of systemic risk down substantially. Neither is true. By all means fiddle around with the CDS market; it might well do some good. But don’t try and pretend that if we’d only done so sooner, Bear and Lehman might now be thriving.

Posted in derivatives | 25 Comments

How Stocks are Like Bonds

Many thanks to Nadav Manham, who, after reading my exchange with Jim Surowiecki, pointed me to a fabulous (if long) article which Warren Buffett published in Fortune in 1977. Headlined "How Inflation Swindles the Equity Investor", it details how a huge amount of the change in stock prices can be very simply explained by considering them to be perpetual bonds with a 12% coupon — 12% being, in 1977, most companies’ ROE.

Since then, of course, US companies have levered up quite a lot, and their ROE is now much higher. But Buffett’s article is well worth revisiting all the same. For one thing, it’s the best argument I’ve ever seen in favor of companies retaining earnings rather than paying them out as dividends — something which helps explain why Berkshire Hathaway is so dividend-averse. After reading Buffett, you’re inclined to think that pretty much all companies trading above book value should do the same. And for another thing, it’s easy to see, using Buffett’s lens, why stock prices have risen so far since his article came out, thanks to a combination of falling interest rates, low inflation, and higher leverage.

William Bernstein also has an interesting stocks-as-weird-bonds lens, explaining that dividends never fall as fast as stock prices, and that therefore long-term investors actually want stocks to go down, since that increases the value of their reinvested dividends.

What any of this means for today’s stock-market investors I have no idea. But at the very least it’s a refreshing change from the noisy and unhelpful daily stream of commentary on which stocks are up and which are down from where they opened this morning.

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Victory

Only twice have I seen lots of American flags on the streets of downtown New York. Once was after 9/11; the other time was last night, after the election of Barack Obama. An impromptu midnight street party sprang up on St Mark’s Place, between 1st Avenue and Avenue A; one apartment put some speakers out on their fire escape and started pumping out Queen, Kanye, Biggie Smalls, and other crowd-pleasers. And the ecstatic throng below would scream and chant: “Yes We Can!” “O-ba-ma!” “U. S. A.!” At one point they even sang the national anthem. The cops were sensible, and let the party run until about 2:30am, blocking off the block to traffic and doing little more than keeping a careful eye on things.

I’d known in advance that Obama would win — and when Pennsylvania and Ohio both went Democratic, the result was a foregone conclusion. But the emotion we all felt on seeing him officially declared president-elect — that was something else entirely. There were quite a few tears shed; the vision of Obama and Biden on stage, with the old white guy being the sidekick and the young black guy being the president-elect, was indelible.

So last night was great, but this morning is horrible, couldn’t we have just a few days at least to savor the victory? I’m hugely disappointed in California; the result on Prop 8 goes to show that this country has a very long way to go, beyond electing a black president, before it can truly say that all its citizens are equal.

A couple of pictures from St Mark’s Place last night:

Dancing-On-St-Mark's

M&F-On-Stmark's

Posted in Not economics | Comments Off on Victory

Country Risk Datapoints of the Day

Here’s the kind of table most of us never thought we’d see, taken from Merrill Lynch’s latest economics note:

countryrisk.jpg

The rankings are constructed by considering the biggest risk factors affecting countries today: current account financing gap, FX reserves/short-term external debt ratio, exports to-GDP ratio, private credit-to-GDP ratio, private credit growth, loans-to deposits ratio, and banks capital-to-assets ratio. And as you can see, the results seem to make Nigeria the safest country in the world, with Colombia, Egypt, and Russia also in the low-risk top 10. Meanwhile, Switzerland is the second-riskiest country in the world.

Which doesn’t mean that you should move your private-banking assets to Nigeria, of course. But it does mean that the Swiss franc is no longer the safe-haven currency that it was for most of the 20th Century.

Posted in economics, emerging markets | Comments Off on Country Risk Datapoints of the Day

Financial Meltdown: The Conventional Wisdom

John Lanchester has a discursive review of a number of high-profile financial books in the latest New Yorker. Some of his points are well taken: he finds an old quote of Warren Buffett’s, for instance, about junk bonds, which applies uncannily to adjustable-rate mortgages as well. He also hones in on a great quote from Charles Morris: "Overpriced assets are like poison mushrooms. You eat them, you get sick, you learn to avoid them. A credit bubble is different. Credit is the air that financial markets breathe, and when the air is poisoned, there’s no place to hide."

But Lanchester comes rather unstuck on the subject of derivatives. "It is difficult for civilians to understand a derivatives contract," he concedes, "or any of a range of closely related instruments, such as credit-default swaps." But he tries to do so anyway, which is a problem.

The problem is that Lanchester seems to have convinced himself, without any obvious evidence, that derivatives are at the heart of this crisis. He does the notional-numbers thing, and then disappears into a peculiar reverie about modernism and post-modernism:

It seems wholly contrary to common sense that the market for products that derive from real things should be unimaginably vaster than the market for things themselves. With derivatives, we seem to enter a modernist world in which risk no longer means what it means in plain English, and in which there is a profound break between the language of finance and that of common sense…

If the invention of derivatives was the financial world’s modernist dawn, the current crisis is unsettlingly like the birth of postmodernism… According to Jacques Derrida, the doyen of the school, meaning can never be precisely located; instead, it is always “deferred,” moved elsewhere, located in other meanings, which refer and defer to other meanings–a snake permanently and necessarily eating its own tail. This process is fluid and constant, but at moments the perpetual process of deferral stalls and collapses in on itself. Derrida called this moment an “aporia,” from a Greek term meaning “impasse.” There is something both amusing and appalling about seeing his theories acted out in the world markets to such cataclysmic effect.

There might be something to this, in a pretentious sort of way, if the world of derivatives had "collapsed in on itself" — something which is certainly possible, but which equally certainly hasn’t actually happened. If there’s any market collapse which has caused the present cataclysm, it’s that of the credit markets, not the derivatives markets.

But Lanchester has at this point convinced himself that derivatives are things of pure evil, with the result that he’s far too dismissive of Robert Shiller:

Shiller’s basic idea is that there should be more market activity. He has a number of suggestions for spreading the risk of homeownership: “continuous workout mortgages,” in which loan terms are adjusted monthly against economic conditions and the borrower’s ability to pay; comprehensive financial advice targeted at the poor (an idea that nobody could argue with, and that nobody will want to pay for); a “financial product safety commission,” as proposed by the Harvard legal scholar Elizabeth Warren; improved disclosure on the part of financial institutions; and the expansion of housing-futures markets. These would mean that “any skeptic anywhere in the world could, through his or her actions in the marketplace, act to reduce a speculative bubble in a city.” Anyone who thought property prices in an area were too high could bet against them by selling them short–which would, the theory goes, exert a downward pressure on prices. This would help all of us, by reducing the bubble-and-bust cycle of property prices. We need every tool we can get to help reduce the risk of having all our capital tied up in a single heavily leveraged, highly illiquid asset–that is to say, our homes. Shiller approvingly quotes an argument that “the introduction of derivatives tends to improve the liquidity and informativeness of markets,” which, given what has just happened, might be the worst-timed assertion ever to have been made by a prominent economist.

Oh, I can think of many assertions by prominent economists which were much more badly timed than that one. And Shiller’s suggestions are much more substantive than Lanchester gives them credit for. Continuous workout mortgages are a great idea, although it’s worth noting that one needs a very well developed derivatives market in order to be able to price them. Financial advice for the poor is something which quite a lot of people are happy to pay for; that isn’t the problem. The problem is that payday and subprime and high-interest credit card lenders have perfected the art of appealing to the poor in a way that financial educators haven’t found any way to compete with.

And the problem with Shiller’s idea about housing futures is not that they’re derivatives, but that he’s talking his own book, and his book has been shown not to work. That’s partly because his housing futures are extremely illiquid, but it’s also because they’re an imperfect hedge: the correlation between the future value of your house and the future value of houses in your city is positive, but a long way from 1.

Still, it’s always interesting to see what happens when a generalist like Lanchester reviews a pile of financial books. There will surely be many more such reviews over the next couple of years, as the big histories of the credit crisis start to appear, and book reviewers are very important in terms of laying out the conventional wisdom on big subjects. The conventional wisdom already demonizes credit default swaps; I suspect it’s only going to be amplified as those new reviews come out.

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Treasury Secretary Brackets

Who will be Obama’s first Treasury Secretary? Portfolio has a fabulous interactive feature to help you work it out; the first time I tried it I got Jamie Dimon, while the second time I got Paul Volcker. (It shakes up the brackets each time, so you won’t necessarily always get the same result.)

My feeling is that Tim Geithner would be great for the job, but also would be silly to take it, given the net present economic value of keeping him where he is. Even if he stays for a full term, the effect he will have as Treasury secretary will be smaller than the effect he will have in the long career ahead of him at the Fed. And it’s not like he isn’t a key policymaker already.

Similarly, I can’t imagine Dimon leaving his perch at JP Morgan in the middle of a financial crisis and before he’s come close to digesting Bear Stearns and WaMu.

But more generally, this is not the best time for a Wall Street type to take the job — and by my count, 11 of Portfolio’s 16 short-listed candidates are Wall Street types, broadly defined. (Remember that the Federal Reserve is owned by the banks, which makes it a Wall Street institution in my eyes.) So I ran the brackets again, disqualifying those 11, and came up with a showdown between Jeff Cane and Warren Buffett. The decision wasn’t hard.

Jeff, we’ll miss you, but a higher calling awaits.

Posted in Politics | Comments Off on Treasury Secretary Brackets

Extra Credit, Tuesday Edition

A new taxpayer-owned mega-bank: "What the Treasury has dubbed UK Financial Investments Limited will end up as one of the biggest bank holding companies in the entire world."

Sovereign debt hit by default fears: An interactive chart.

JPMorgan Closing Up Shop: Its global prop desk is no more.

Markets: "People who get their advice from a television show called Fast Money deserve to lose money, fast."

The Duration of Stocks: An interesting way of thinking about the stock market.

Posted in remainders | Comments Off on Extra Credit, Tuesday Edition

Jim Surowiecki on How Stocks Work

After I wondered whether US stock market investors should think about learning from Japan, Jim Surowiecki responded with a carefully-argued blog entry about Japanese stocks entitled "There’s a Reason It’s Cheap", concentrating on the fact that Japanese companies generally have very low returns on equity.

I’m very interested in the art and science of stock-market valuation: while I think I have a very good grip on how to value a bond, I find myself much more at sea when it comes to stocks. But Jim thinks there’s not so much of a difference between the two. When I asked him a few questions about his blog entry and stock valuation, he emailed back:

Let me just say one thing by way of introduction, which is that I think the distinction you’re implicitly making between valuing stocks and valuing bonds is really a false distinction. Valuing stocks is arguably more challenging than valuing bonds, because the range of variables is wider, but stocks and bonds both represent claims on the cash flows generated by a company, so in both cases valuing them accurately entails valuing those cash flows. That’s why my discussion of the Nikkei focused on the underlying performance of Japanese companies: ultimately, stock prices reflect the cash flows companies can (or, in Japan’s case, can’t) generate.

Jim then responded to my questions one by one. The answers were very helpful for me; I’m still not entirely there, but I’m closer than I was. The whole concept of "equity" is still difficult, for me: for instance, Andrew Ross Sorkin today has very nice things to say about an executive-compensation plan which on the one hand is based on accounting performance rather than stock performance, but which on the other hand penalizes "bankers who destroy shareholder value". Isn’t the ultimate gauge of shareholder value the share price? Or was it justifiable for, say, Bob Nardelli to earn lots of money based on Home Depot’s accounting performance and rising return on equity, even as the company’s stock price went nowhere?

In any case, here are my questions, and Jim’s answers.

Felix Salmon: What’s the relationship, in theory, between a company’s return on equity, on the one hand, and its stock price, on the other? Does a high return on equity mean a rising stock price, or is it a rising return on equity which means a rising stock price? Or, to put it another way: if one company has an ROE which is (expected to be) flat at 4%, and another company has an ROE which is (expected to be) flat at 14%, would you expect the latter to rise more than the former, or indeed either of them to rise at all?

Jim Surowiecki: Your first question, unfortunately, can’t really be answered in the abstract. It’s perfectly possible for a business with high returns on capital to still be overvalued – that is, for its stock price to overestimate the cash flows it will generate over time. In that case, the fact that a company is generating high returns on capital won’t translate into an increase in its stock price. Microsoft’s average return on invested capital, for instance, is consistently good – above 25% — but its stock is just about where it was a decade ago.

This speaks to your second question, which is really about expectations. If the market is accurately forecasting the returns on capital of the low-ROIC company and the high-ROIC company, you wouldn’t expect the latter’s stock price to dramatically outperform the former. But assuming both are fairly valued, the high-ROIC company will have a much higher valuation, meaning it will generate more income for shareholders going forward (in the form of dividends, buybacks, etc.)

That’s why, all things being equal, you want to own shares of companies that generate high returns on capital rather than those of companies that don’t. This is, in a way, self-evident. If you put money into a company, you want it to use that money to generate high returns, higher than you could get elsewhere. That’s what companies that have high returns on capital do: Microsoft earns an additional twenty-five cents for every dollar it invests. By contrast, companies with low returns on capital create less value, and companies that earn returns that are lower than their cost of capital (as was true of Japanese companies between 1990 and the early part of this century) actually destroy value for their shareholders.

FS: What’s the relationship between stock price, ROE, and risk-free rate of return? Would one expect ROEs in a country with a zero risk-free rate to be lower than ROEs in a country with a higher risk-free rate? How does that feed in to stock prices, if at all?

JS: You would expect returns on invested capital to be lower in countries with lower risk-free rates (like Japan). Two reasons suggest themselves for this: first, the low risk-free rate may be indicative of lower growth prospects for the economy as a whole. But also, when the risk-free rate is low, the hurdle rate for corporate investments is also lower (because investors’ expectations of what counts as a reasonable return are also lower.) That may make companies more likely to invest in low-return projects. Both factors have something to do with why Japanese firms have underperformed over the last twenty years (and in particular in that 1990-2002 stretch). But I think the most important factors explaining the low ROIC of Japanese firms were their indifference to shareholder value and their willingness to invest in value-destroying projects.

FS: How can a company with a positive ROE destroy economic value for shareholders?

JS: The key to understanding how a company with a positive ROE can nonetheless destroy economic value is simply recognizing that equity is not free. It has a cost, just like debt does, a cost that reflects the return that investors demand as compensation for the risks and opportunity costs that owning equities entail. We can debate how to calculate that cost of equity (risk-free rate + market risk premium is a simple solution). But the basic principle is, as I said above, that a company is only creating economic value for its shareholders if it’s earning more than its cost of capital. Again, this is intuitive: if you were the part owner of a company that, on a risk-adjusted basis, was earning less than the yield you could get on a 30-year T-bill, you probably wouldn’t keep your money in that company, because you would effectively be losing money with every day that passed. Shareholders feel the same way, so the share prices of companies that earn less than their cost of capital are unlikely to rise over time. According to a study by the Japanese government, Japanese companies’ return on capital was below their cost of capital for roughly the entire decade of the 1990s through 2002. If you want to know why Japanese stock prices fell precipitously during that period, that’s the biggest reason why: the companies weren’t creating any value for shareholders. And what made it worse was that, as a result of the bubble, expectations were already inordinately high.

One thing I should say, though: Japanese companies have significantly improved their performance in the past five years, and there’s a strong case to be made that, as in the U.S., the recent sell-off of the Nikkei has been massively overdone. In fact, if you think that the transformation of Japanese firms in recent years will be long-lasting (I’m agnostic on the question), then the Nikkei looks very undervalued right now – or at least it did before it rose something like 15% in the last week and a half.

Posted in stocks | Comments Off on Jim Surowiecki on How Stocks Work